Chapter 529: Chapter 102, Mutual Deception
If it weren’t for political opposition, solving the agricultural crisis would actually be quite simple. If several grain exporting countries joined forces, uniformly raised grain prices, and divided their respective export quotas, all problems would be solved.
OPEC in later generations did just that, controlling oil production intentionally to avoid vicious competition and ensuring the interests of all member countries.
Regrettably, Prussia and Poland had already become mortal enemies with the Russian Empire, and the Tsarist Government would never agree to a resolution.
It’s a matter of principle. Even when Alexander III, the pacifist, came to power, it wasn’t possible for him to compromise on this issue.
The Russian people could tolerate failure, but not submission. It was the indefatigable resolve of the Russians that had allowed their empire to grow strong. Once that spirit was broken, the Russian Empire would be finished.
To reach such a state, it’s impossible without experiencing numerous failures. This resulted in the Tsarist Government’s inability to show weakness to Prussia and Poland. Any hint of compromise would undeniably lead to a revolution at home.
The Tsarist Government didn’t collapse after the first Prusso-Russian War failed, thanks to support from Austria and the political legacy left by Nicholas I, whose loyal army ensured the stability of the regime.
Alexander II was no ordinary man. Decisively acting after the defeat, he took the opportunity to purge corrupt elements in the government, suppress the arrogance of the Conservatives, and laid the foundation for reforms.
After the agricultural crisis erupted, Austria, on the surface, suffered the greatest loss, but in reality, the biggest loser was the Russian Empire.
It’s true Austria was the number one grain exporter, but most of what they exported was processed grain, which had industrial added value to offset some of the losses.
There were also some snack manufacturers who not only didn’t suffer losses during this agriculture crisis but rather increased their profits substantially.
No matter how the price of raw materials dropped, the market price of snacks hardly changed. These seemingly insignificant products actually brought in not-insignificant profits.
If someone investigated the details of Austria’s agricultural exports, they would discover that Austria’s export of canned goods, biscuits, chips, chocolate and other side products had already surpassed the total sales of grain.
There are up to thousands of registered food brands in Austria. If one were to categorize these snacks in detail, there would be hundreds of different products.
Capitalists have invested huge amounts of money in research for profit’s sake; almost every day, new food products emerge. Only those that withstand market tests can survive; otherwise, they quickly disappear from people’s sight.
Capitalists frequently hold food festivals, specifically hiring people to sample new snacks and collect data; if they’re well-received, the product is promoted and brought to market. If disliked by the public, they’re immediately pulled from shelves.
Besides in-house development, capitalists also send people around the world to collect exotic delicacies. In the face of profit, there’s no resistance, and foreign flavors are produced all the same.
As long as a snack sells well on the market, Austria has it in production. These modest items are in fact the real backbone of Austria’s agricultural export industry.
In comparison, the export of processed grain has already become secondary, relying mainly on volume rather than margin, which can’t compete with these side products.
Perhaps in later times, these unremarkable products could be produced by a family workshop, but in this era, they were still high-tech products.
Not to mention others, just the food packaging bags alone were not something many countries could produce. Preservation technology was another challenge; at this time, there were capitalists who were using mercury as a preservative.
Such large-scale food exports certainly couldn’t be taken lightly. An accident could mean tens or even hundreds of thousands of people suffering food poisoning, and no one could afford the consequences of such a catastrophe.
It required testing chemical engineering technology, which was, to say the least, a bit chaotic. Beyond the most commonly used salt, there was a bunch of messy preservatives that were only marginally less harmful than mercury.
The one guarantee was that there would be no immediate food poisoning; otherwise, it wouldn’t pass the Vienna Government’s customs and safety inspection. As it related to the entire agricultural export industry, Vienna Government’s enforcement was quite strict.
As for the long-term effects of consumption, that was unknown. Either way, these packaged foods were something Franz never touched; such junk food never appeared in the entire Vienna Palace.
These were minor issues since most people had short life spans anyway. Perhaps they wouldn’t live to experience the side effects before meeting their maker. Currently, no one had come forward to denounce the harmful effects of these junk foods.
No matter how great the harm might be, at least the taste was good. These long-lasting junk foods became a favorite among sailors and an essential supply for voyages, spreading around the world with the great age of seafaring.
Supported by these industries, Franz could remain seated even when the processed grain export market contracted.
However, someone was in a hurry. With the shrinking of Austria’s processed grain export market, domestic processing enterprises naturally reduced production, with Poland and the Russian Empire being the first to suffer.
The Polish Government was provoked into action, a reaction born of desperation. When Vienna Government increased the tariffs, Polish farm products were directly blocked from entering.
With agricultural products heavily unsold, not just the farmers couldn’t bear it; nobles and capitalists were also under strain. To weather the crisis, the government deliberately stirred up Austria-Poland tensions to divert attention, which was no surprise.
Of course, “provocation” was not in the Polish Government’s plans; they only intended to shout slogans domestically and were not prepared for a direct confrontation.
After understanding the positions of the various countries, the Polish Government, although not fully accepting Austria’s terms, provided explanations and apologized at the first opportunity.
As the instigator behind the scenes, the Prussians certainly couldn’t sit by and watch the Polish Government get off so easily. The news leaked quickly, and public opinion in Poland exploded.
The unfortunate soul who was “suicided” instantly became a national hero; patriotic youths raised their flags and ran to the Austrian embassy in Warsaw to protest.
The Polish Government did understand the severity of the issue. Further provoking the Austrians might just lead to an invasion. Prime Minister Dobroborsky immediately dispatched police to block the streets, and fierce clashes erupted between the marching columns and the police.
The Polish Government had initially intended only to deflect the crisis, not anticipating that it would spiral out of control and instead trigger a political crisis.
Aside from foolhardy adolescents blinded by their own boldness, all political figures understood that provoking Austria at this time was tantamount to seeking death.
The Great Powers liked to use war as a diversion from internal crises, and this was far from a secret. With Austria experiencing an agricultural crisis, for Poland to provoke them at such a time was tantamount to asking for a beating.
Poland was also an agricultural heavyweight, occupying 13% of the European grain export market.
If the Vienna Government wanted to eliminate a competitor, taking advantage of the situation to give them a thrashing was hardly difficult. As long as they refrained from expanding, the other European countries would not intervene.
The Polish Government was forced to suppress the anti-Austrian sentiment within the country, and the Vienna Government begrudgingly accepted their apology. It seemed as if the Austro-Polish conflict had come to an end.
Of course, that was the view of the general public. A look at the frequent activities of Austria’s Foreign Ministry indicated that something was about to happen. The atmosphere in Europe suddenly became tense, and the smell of gunpowder grew thicker.
Berlin was greatly disappointed that the Vienna Government did not immediately act against Poland.
As one of the victims of the agricultural crisis, the Prussian Government naturally wanted to overcome the crisis as soon as possible. Inciting Austro-Polish conflict was a plan with multiple benefits.
It could not only relieve the agricultural crisis but also offer an opportunity to annex the Kingdom of Poland. The international situation was clear: England and France did not wish to see Austria continue to expand in the European Continent, and Austria did not want to see Prussia and Russia grow stronger either.
In the eyes of the Prussian Government, the Vienna Government’s wariness towards the Russians should exceed their concern for them; otherwise, Austria would not have shied away during the last Prusso-Russian war.
If Austria had fully supported the Tsarist Government, it’s hard to say what else, but at least the Tsarist army would not have lacked strategic materials.
They would simply need to change the route of advance, sending troops along the border with Austria. They could place supplies within Austrian territory and transport them as needed, sparing the Russians the need to maintain a standing army there.
With such tactics, no matter how valiant the Prussian Army was, they would succumb to the grey beasts’ tactic of overwhelming numbers.
Wilhelm I gestured with a complex expression, “That old fox Franz really can endure. We’ve practically handed them an excuse on a silver platter, and he hasn’t taken action against the Polish.
It seems that Austria’s strategic focus is truly no longer on the European Continent. Could it be that their strategy of African localization is not just a smokescreen?”
No one could answer this question, but the vast majority of countries believed that Austria’s strategy of African localization was a feint, mainly to divert attention to create opportunities for the unification of the Germany Region.
No reason needed, Europeans of this era were just that arrogant. Land outside of the European Continent was regarded as a savage land that was not civilized, with the African Continent even dubbed the “Continent of Poisonous Insect.”
Austria’s path of African expansion was also a history of the struggle between humanity and nature. The greatest enemy faced was not the local indigenous states or other Great Powers, but the hostile natural environment.
Hardly anyone deemed it necessary to domesticate the African Continent, as all were fixated on the belief that land on the European Continent, especially in Western Europe and Central Europe, was the best in the world.
Prussian Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman said, “Your Majesty, the Austrians have released political signals, wanting either us or the Russians to make the first move. We can almost be certain that they do not intend to act first.”
The early bird gets the worm, but in history, those who take the lead are often the most unlucky. Of course, if successful, the rewards are also the greatest.
With an established family and business, whether or not they could expand on the European Continent had become irrelevant to the Vienna Government.
This was not something Prussia could compare with; if possible, Wilhelm I would also prefer not to continue expanding on the European Continent. Europe was too complex, with a single tug affecting the whole.
The Kingdom of Prussia already had a foothold in the Indochina Peninsula, and if not for the threat from the Russian Empire, they too would have joined the colonial movement.
Real threats forced them to continue enhancing their strength; slow growth and development was clearly too slow. With a population of just over 22 million, the Kingdom of Prussia could not match the agricultural efficiency of Russia’s 74 million.
The fastest way to increase power was through external expansion. The German Federation Empire was what they desired most, but reality would not permit it.
If the Kingdom of Prussia dared to take action against The Federation, it’s likely that the Vienna Government would compromise with the French, and then they would be ganged up on by the Austria, France, and Russia trifecta.
With no other option, they had to settle for focusing on the Polish. At least England and France weren’t too vehemently opposed to this issue, and Austria still wanted to see them clash with the Russians, avoiding direct confrontation.
Glancing at the map of Europe on the wall, Wilhelm I sighed, “Alas!”
After pacing a few steps, Wilhelm I pointed at St. Petersburg with a much improved mood: “Just keep waiting! Poland is still our ally, and right now there’s nothing we can do.
This agricultural crisis won’t end quickly; according to the data released by Austria’s Agriculture Department, the plans of all countries to cut production have failed, even their own reduction plans were not met.
There’s no need for them to falsify these statistics; we are a case in point, with this year’s domestic grain cultivation area not decreasing but increasing. Implementing the Fallow Law is not so easy after all.
Austria, with its large family and business, can withstand the losses brought by the agricultural crisis, but not the Russians. Their grain production is the highest in Europe; to whom will they sell such massive production?
England and France wish to see stability maintained on the European Continent. Now, whoever stirs up trouble becomes their enemy.”