Chapter 506: Chapter 79: Embassy Turmoil
 

“`

The bloodless capture of Mexico City overthrew the reign of Maximilian I, and at last, President Juarez’s Republican Government truly shook off the label of being rebels.

Before there was time to celebrate, Juarez received news that Maximilian I had taken refuge in the Austrian Embassy, which instantly ruined his good mood.

Undoubtedly, Maximilian I’s presence in Mexico City was a ticking time bomb that could trigger a significant political earthquake at any moment.

To be precise, Maximilian I was already causing them trouble at the present, albeit unconsciously.

Maximilian I had not abdicated and was still recognized internationally as Mexico’s legitimate ruler. In comparison, Juarez’s Republican Government had not yet received recognition.

This uprising had been carried out under the banner of “punishing a tyrant,” so now that the Emperor was in the Austrian Embassy, the question was whether to capture him or not.

An eager young officer suggested, “Your Excellency, the Austrian Embassy doesn’t have many troops. Shall we send men to storm the embassy and snatch that bastard Maximilian?”

Juarez, too, cursed Maximilian I inwardly, unable to understand why he didn’t take the opportunity to flee when he had the chance. Was he not ill in the head?

“Paul, have you taken leave of your senses? That’s the Austrian Embassy. If we storm it now, won’t we be handing them an excuse to intervene?

Have men surround the embassy first and notify the foreign ministry to communicate with them, and demand they turn over Maximilian I.”

Juarez himself did not believe what he was saying, but these political moves were necessary. Recklessly storming an embassy, especially that of a major power, was simply courting death.

On this matter, the stance of the European powers was united; they would not tolerate an embassy being assaulted.

Although the Austrian Embassy’s sheltering of the Emperor of Mexico was already an interference in Mexico’s internal affairs, what could be done when Mexico was a weak nation?

In this brutal era, weak nations had no say. As long as Austria insisted they were rebels and the Republican Government lacked legitimacy, the issue would blow over.

Don’t expect international public opinion to support them; this was still the era of monarchies. Even in the most open-minded France, nobody dared to advocate that rebellion was justified.

The Mexican Republican Government had already severely offended the French, and now challenging Austria, did they still expect good days ahead?

Don’t be fooled by America’s support for their revolution. When push comes to shove, expect the Americans to bury their heads like ostriches. One of the most important obligations of the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance was to keep America in check.

As long as they didn’t make waves, they were fine. But once they did, they had to consider the possibility of being brutally suppressed. The wounds of the Civil War had only just healed; it was a low-profile time for Americans. How could they possibly stick their necks out for Mexico?

In geopolitics, a weak and backward Mexico aligned more with American interests. On this issue, both the United States of America and the Confederate States of America held consistent views.

Paul, the target of the scolding, was not angry but relieved that he wouldn’t be the scapegoat. As one of the first units to enter the city, if there had been a charge on the Austrian Embassy, it likely would have been led by them.

If they really had done it, they would definitely need to explain to the Austrians in the future, and those who carried out the task would certainly not escape punishment. He had hastily run to ask President Juarez, essentially to avoid disaster.

Of course, Juarez was well aware of this little ploy. If Paul wasn’t willing to take the responsibility, neither dare he, as the President.

After all, it was French intervention due to unpaid debts that led to the overthrow of his government. Without the courage to go through that again, Juarez couldn’t dare.

The two tacitly ignored the fact that Austria would not hand over Maximilian, as prudent measures in foreign affairs were always correct. To avoid any trouble was the best outcome.

…

Inside the Austrian Embassy, Minister Compton spoke with righteous indignation, “You have not obtained recognition from the international community and are not yet the legitimate government of Mexico; you are not qualified to engage in diplomatic negotiations with Austria.”

The negotiations had not even started when the Mexican representative, Philips, was taken aback. By starting with the legitimacy issue and refusing to recognize the Republican Government, Philips was at a loss on how to respond.

With no other choice, the Mexican foreign ministry, a mere makeshift arrangement since its establishment, had never engaged in formal diplomatic activities and had no idea how to handle such a situation.

Before Philips could figure out a response, he was sent packing. Then Compton went on to invite other European envoys for meetings. Although no valuable agreements were reached, they were unanimous in refusing to acknowledge the Mexican Republican Government.

Monarchical countries had no need for additional reasons to refuse recognition of a republican government; it was a matter of political correctness.

Unless the Mexican Government could present compelling interests, they should not expect international recognition.

…

One by one, the leaves fell to the ground, forming a golden “road of gold.” The crunching sound they made when stepped upon was so comfortable, akin to walking on a carpet, with not a single superfluous leaf—every one a golden leaf, endlessly enchanting.

The corn split a grin, the millet bent over with laughter, and the soybeans chuckled in the wind…

Engrossed in the joy of the harvest, Governor Hummel surveyed the land, thinking to himself: Another bountiful year, it seems a new railway project can commence.

“Your Excellency, a telegram from the embassy in Mexico, for your perusal,” interjected an unexpected visitor, breaking Governor Hummel’s reverie. Without hesitation, Hummel took the telegram and browsed through it quickly.

The smile that crept across his lips betrayed his thoughts, clearly signaling good news.

“`

After reading the contents of the telegram, Governor Hummel immediately ordered, “Command the First, Second, and Third Divisions to cease field training and must arrive at Port of Barios within a week!”

“Command the Caribbean Sea Fleet to immediately halt all outgoing activities and stand by in the port.”

“Command the logistics department to immediately allocate supplies for three months for 50,000 people and converge on the coastal port cities along the Caribbean coast.”

“Command the foreign trade department to immediately organize a fleet of ships…”

He issued a dozen orders in rapid succession, all of which were to be completed with utmost speed. Clearly, there had been preparation beforehand, as otherwise, it wouldn’t be possible to complete them so quickly.

Especially for the colonial divisions, they were usually undermanned—generally, they had only one-fifth to one-third of the required personnel, maintaining the framework of the army and rapidly expanding during wartime.

Of course, the regular conscription of reservists into the army for training was indispensable, other nationalities might not be accustomed to such regular training, but for the Germans, it was a matter of routine.

Back home, this was the norm, and naturally, the same could be continued in America. After many years of development, the registered population in the Austrian Central American Colony had already surpassed 3.78 million, with white people accounting for two-fifths.

Of course, there was some water in this figure as well. Many newly born mixed-race children were also included. In this era of lax supervision, as long as the resemblance was not too far off, they could pass through.

Of course, the bureaucrats’ desire for achievements was also a major factor. If the bureaucrats didn’t water down the figures, how else would they come up with a birth rate of 7.8% for Austrian citizens in the Central American region?

Looking at the whole world, this birth rate was the highest, completely surpassing the normal birth level of a population. Among the many Austrian colonies, only the citizen population birth rate in the Southeast Asian region could match this.

This statistic was limited only to those with Austrian citizenship, and other populations were not included. The Vienna Government was solely concerned about the birth rate of their own nationals.

The number of Germans had already accounted for 32% of the total population, and regardless of how this figure was obtained, it no longer mattered. Germans had become the largest ethnic group locally, and that was an undisputed fact.

Theoretically, the number of registered reservists in the Central America region of Austria was 210,000. This was the limit for total mobilization; of course, this was only for the registration of Imperial citizens.

Governor Hummel did not believe that the local Indians would also respond to the Empire’s call, so naturally, he did not include them in the reserve.

Theory was one thing, but in practice, the highest mobilization record for the Austrian Central American Colony was only 100,000 men. More would seriously affect local production.

Without the ability to wage wars abroad, it was unacceptable to wreak havoc on one’s own economy during training.

The figure still exceeded the mobilization level of a normal agricultural nation, but that was not a problem, as Central America had an agricultural and mining economy, while the mother country, Austria, was an industrial nation.

The Austrian Central American Colony was essentially like an agricultural province in an industrial country, which naturally had a stronger mobilization capacity than agricultural nations.

This military strength could rank in the top five on the American Continent. Aside from the British, the United States of America, and the Confederate States of America, Governor Hummel did not take any other nation seriously.

This intervention in Mexico was an opportunity to demonstrate their capabilities. Perhaps, in Franz’s view, bringing Maximilian, his unfortunate brother, back safely would be achieving his goal.

But for colonial officials eager to earn achievements, if they didn’t cause trouble, they would be letting down their status as colonists.

Governor Hummel was no exception; in his view, this matter needed to be escalated; otherwise, how could everyone earn their achievements?

Otherwise, he would have already sent troops to rescue Maximilian I. After all, the Mexican Republic Government did not want this troublemaker either.

Keeping Maximilian I in the Austrian Embassy was precisely for the purpose of stirring trouble. One should never doubt the Revolutionaries’ capacity for causing trouble; there are always some naive teenagers who think they’re being clever.

As long as armed conflicts occurred, Governor Hummel would have an excuse for armed intervention. According to Austrian principles, they usually disliked making enemies at random, but once they made an enemy, they had to deal with it decisively.

Annexing the Mexican Empire was beyond what Governor Hummel could digest. Even if he managed to swallow it, the strength of the Austrian Central American Colony alone would be insufficient to assimilate it.

Furthermore, other nations would intervene; they wouldn’t just watch Austria expand so aggressively.

How much territory they could gain depended not only on strength but also on the magnitude of the incident provoked. A valid excuse could always reap the maximum benefit.

What Governor Hummel most wanted to see was the Mexican Republic Government rashly sending troops to besiege the Austrian Embassy. Then, once the two countries officially declared war, nobody could blame Austria for being in the wrong.

Compared to earning achievements, the personal safety of Maximilian I came second. As long as he was still alive, he could account for it to His Majesty the Emperor, and facing some hardship was completely acceptable.

If unforeseen circumstances occurred, as long as they tried their best to rescue him, that would also suffice. Others might not know the inside story, but as a high-ranking government official, Governor Hummel clearly understood the fallout between Maximilian I and his family.

Perhaps, as a brother, the Emperor wanted to help him, but within the Habsburg Family, there were definitely not a few who wished the unfortunate man would die sooner.

Of course, this death had to be from natural causes; he absolutely should not die at the hands of the Mexican Rebel Army. Otherwise, for the sake of family honor, they would have to pick a bone with Mexico.

Such matters were only to be understood and not spoken. Governor Hummel was quite assured about the safety of Maximilian I – there were very few who dared to commit regicide in this era.

The precedents were there for all to see; those who had beheaded Charles I and Louis XVI met with very miserable ends, and even their families suffered. Anyone with a bit of political sense knew the consequences.

While actively preparing for war, Governor Hummel also reported back to the home government, requesting directives from the Vienna Government.

This was just a formality, Franz had no desire to micromanage from afar, and naturally, the Vienna Government wouldn’t do so either. By tradition, they granted authorization to the Colonial Governor to act as circumstances warranted.